American GoPo ch 11

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1. (p. 370) If the Rules Committee applies the "closed rule" to a bill,
A. no amendments will be permitted.
B. the bill will not be allowed a vote.
C. the bill will require a 2/3 majority for passage.
D. no further floor debate is allowed.
E. no filibusters will be allowed to prevent a vote.

A. no amendments will be permitted.

2. (p. 348) Congressional staffers spend most of their time on
A. constituency service and legislative matters.
B. legislative matters.
C. constituency service and public relations.
D. legislative matters and constituency service.
E. public relations.

C. constituency service and public relations

3. (p. 348) Legislation whose tangible benefits are targeted solely at a particular legislator’s constituency is
A. pork-barrel legislation.
B. logrolling.
C. gerrymandering.
D. private legislation.
E. public interest legislation.

A. pork-barrel legislation.

4. (p. 354) Compared to House incumbents, Senate incumbents are more likely to face the problem of
A. raising enough money to run a strong campaign.
B. an electorate that is inclined to judge their fitness for reelection in the context of pork-barrel legislation and other favors for the local community.
C. a strong challenger.
D. name recognition.
E. All these answers are correct.

C. a strong challenger.

5. (p. 382) In Beyond Ideology, political scientist Frances Lee shows that
A. the number of bills passed each year by Congress has dropped dramatically from year to year because of partisan gridlock.
B. lawmakers generally avoid partisan negotiations or attacks when dealing with low-stakes issues in order to get more business done.
C. the congressional agenda is less and less shaped by partisan consideration rather than reelection priorities.
D. even on low-stake issues, lawmakers exploit negotiation and floor debate to attack opponents and promote their party’s image.
E. the congressional agenda is increasingly shaped by policy priorities rather than partisan consideration.

D. even on low-stake issues, lawmakers exploit negotiation and floor debate to attack opponents and promote their party’s image.

6. (p. 362) Compared with the Senate majority leader, the Speaker of the House has more power because
A. the House places more limits on debate.
B. the House is the larger chamber in terms of membership.
C. the House has less of a tradition as a chamber of equals.
D. the Speaker is that chamber’s presiding officer.
E. All these answers are correct.

E. All these answers are correct.

7. (p. 362) In contrast with the Speaker of the House, the Senate majority leader
A. plays a key role in formulating the majority party’s legislative positions.
B. seeks to develop influential relationships with his/her colleagues.
C. is not the presiding officer of his/her chamber.
D. holds a position that is defined in the Constitution.
E. None of these answers is correct.

C. is not the presiding officer of his/her chamber.

8. (p. 362) A standing committee in the House or Senate
A. is a permanent committee.
B. has jurisdiction over a particular policy area.
C. has authority to draft, amend, and recommend legislation.
D. is usually organized according to the seniority principle.
E. All these answers are correct.

E. All these answers are correct.

9. (p. 365) When the House and Senate pass different versions of a bill, the differences are resolved by a
A. conference committee.
B. standing committee.
C. select committee.
D. rules committee.
E. joint committee.

A. conference committee.

10. (p. 364) Committee staffs within Congress
A. concentrate on constituency relations.
B. perform an almost entirely legislative function.
C. concentrate on public relations.
D. split their time between legislative functions and public relations.
E. are devoted to logistical functions and committee public relations.

B. perform an almost entirely legislative function.

11. (p. 355) One must be ________ years of age to serve in the U.S. House of Representatives, and ________ years of age to serve in the U.S. Senate.
A. 18; 21
B. 21; 25
C. 25; 30
D. 35; 45
E. 40; 50

C. 25; 30

12. (p. 360) The second-most powerful federal official (after the president) is often said to be the
A. chair of the House Appropriations Committee.
B. president pro tempore of the U.S. Senate.
C. Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives.
D. chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
E. Senate majority leader.

C. Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives.

13. (p. 349) Campaign spending tends to be a much greater challenge for
A. challengers and nonincumbents than for incumbents.
B. Republican candidates.
C. Democratic candidates.
D. candidates in urban areas than for candidates in rural areas.
E. men than for women.

A. challengers and nonincumbents than for incumbents.

14. (p. 346) In the nation’s first century,
A. service in Congress was even more of a lifetime career than it is now.
B. members of Congress would move from House to Senate and back with little concern for the relative power and prestige of the chambers.
C. service in Congress was not seen as a lifetime career for most of its members.
D. service in Congress was restricted by the imposition of term limits in many states.
E. service in Congress was greatly preferred to service in state government.

C. service in Congress was not seen as a lifetime career for most of its members.

15. (p. 346-347) The modern Congress is different from the nineteenth century Congress in that most members
A. are now professional politicians who want to stay in Congress.
B. are now amateur politicians who want only to spend a short time in Congress.
C. are now minorities or women.
D. now have previously been governors of their home states.
E. return to their respective state legislatures after their congressional service is over.

A. are now professional politicians who want to stay in Congress.

16. (p. 351-355) Incumbents may have some problems in reelection campaigns if
A. disruptive issues such as general public discontent with Congress become prominent.
B. the incumbent is tainted with charges of personal misconduct or corruption.
C. the election is a midterm election, and the incumbent is of the same party as the president.
D. through redistricting, the incumbent is placed in a disadvantageous district.
E. All these answers are correct.

E. All these answers are correct.

17. (p. 367) Which one of the following statements about the seniority principle is most accurate?
A. The seniority principle is based on the length of time the member has spent in Congress.
B. Because of seniority, committee chairs exercise absolute power over their committees.
C. Seniority is no longer absolute in the selection of committee chairs, but it is usually followed.
D. Seniority is no longer used at all in the choice of committee chairs.
E. Seniority is used in the Democratic Party, but not the Republican Party.

C. Seniority is no longer absolute in the selection of committee chairs, but it is usually followed.

18. (p. 386) Because of the inherent tension in Congress between the need for strong leadership at the top and the individual congressional member’s need to act according to local concerns,
A. Congress is unable to take effective action to counter the growth in the power of the president.
B. power in the Congress is widely dispersed.
C. power in the Congress is highly centralized in the Speaker and Senate president pro tempore.
D. members of Congress prefer to address international issues because the tension between local and national issues is less substantial in this situation.
E. Congress has been unable to take effective action to counter the growth in the power of the Supreme Court.

B. power in the Congress is widely dispersed.

19. (p. 363) Senators are generally less likely to take directions from their leaders than House members because
A. senators are prohibited by their state legislatures from taking orders from others.
B. senators think of themselves as being equals and are only willing to be led by persuasion.
C. senators are more highly paid than House members and are thus immune from financial threats.
D. House rules mandate that all party members on major bills must vote according to the directions of their leaders.
E. All these answers are correct.

B. senators think of themselves as being equals and are only willing to be led by persuasion.

20. (p. 363) Most of the legislative work of Congress is performed by
A. the standing committees and their subcommittees with jurisdiction over particular policy areas.
B. the joint committees chosen to coordinate actions between the two chambers of Congress.
C. the select committees chosen to study special problems on a temporary basis.
D. the steering committees that decide how the party stands on particular bills.
E. party leaders in both chambers.

A. the standing committees and their subcommittees with jurisdiction over particular policy areas

21. (p. 378) Which nation does NOT have a one-house dominant legislature?
A. Canada
B. Germany
C. the United States
D. Great Britain
E. None of these answers is correct, as all these nations have one-house dominant legislatures.

C. the United States

22. (p. 370) Through a vote for cloture, the Senate
A. confirms presidential appointees.
B. can end a filibuster.
C. overrides a presidential pocket veto.
D. accepts the House version of a bill.
E. closes its legislative session for the year.

B. can end a filibuster.

23. (p. 372) A pocket veto differs from a regular presidential veto in that the pocket veto
A. applies only to a section of the legislation in question.
B. applies only to expenditure legislation.
C. occurs when the president decides to veto a bill he had previously signed.
D. can take effect only when the Congress is not in session.
E. occurs when the president goes before Congress to announce a veto.

D. can take effect only when the Congress is not in session.

24. (p. 373) Congress’s inability to consistently provide leadership on broad national issues is due to
A. the lack of talented leadership in Congress.
B. the fragmented nature of Congress.
C. constitutional restrictions on Congress’s lawmaking powers.
D. the constant threat of a presidential veto.
E. opposition from the mass media.

B. the fragmented nature of Congress.

25. (p. 375) Congress typically takes presidential proposals
A. only as a starting point.
B. only if the dominant party is the same as the president’s party.
C. and most often fast-tracks them into law.
D. and tables them until they expire.
E. None of these answers is correct.

A. only as a starting point.

26. (p. 358) In the 1970s, roll-call votes
A. generally demonstrated the power of incumbents.
B. generally demonstrated an increase in party loyalty.
C. generally did not pit most Republicans against most Democrats.
D. were less common than voice votes.
E. were generally not used to record each member’s vote.

C. generally did not pit most Republicans against most Democrats.

27. (p. 374) In initiating broad legislative proposals, the president enjoys all the following advantages over Congress EXCEPT
A. the president being more likely to take a national perspective on policy issues.
B. the president being granted more authority by the Constitution in the area of lawmaking.
C. the president’s actions receiving more attention from the national media.
D. the president having the authority to make policy decisions even when there are conflicting views within the executive branch, while congressional leaders cannot impose their views on other members who disagree with them.
E. a lack of fragmentation.

B. the president being granted more authority by the Constitution in the area of lawmaking.

28. (p. 374) Most members of Congress are
A. concerned with national issues, but even more concerned with local ones.
B. controlled by special interest groups.
C. interested only in the work of the subcommittee on which they serve.
D. opposed to the seniority system.
E. more interested in oversight than in making laws.

A. concerned with national issues, but even more concerned with local ones.

29. (p. 385) By and large, partisanship is
A. irrelevant to the work of Congress.
B. a huge source of both cohesion and division within Congress.
C. relevant only in the context of local representation.
D. important in lawmaking and representation but not in oversight.
E. more important in foreign policy than in domestic policy.

B. a huge source of both cohesion and division within Congress.

30. (p. 382) The oversight responsibility of Congress is
A. relatively easy to carry out.
B. becoming less and less important to the nation.
C. more interesting to most legislators than policy making responsibilities.
D. the most time consuming task for most legislators.
E. None of these answers is correct.

E. None of these answers is correct.

31. (p. 383) What is the biggest reason that Congress does not vigorously pursue its oversight function?
A. the sheer magnitude of the task
B. its inadequacy as a means to control the bureaucracy
C. its inadequacy as a means to control the power of the president
D. its inadequacy as a way to generate publicity for members of Congress
E. its inadequacy as a means to control the judiciary

A. the sheer magnitude of the task

32. (p. 372) Which of the following is one of the three major functions of Congress’s policymaking role?
A. lawmaking
B. check the president
C. appease special interests
D. inform the people
E. check the Supreme Court

A. lawmaking

33. (p. 368) Bills are formally introduced in Congress by
A. members of Congress only.
B. executive agencies.
C. interest groups.
D. the Supreme Court.
E. All these answers are correct.

A. members of Congress only.

34. (p. 363, 369) Most of the work on legislation in Congress is done
A. by committees and their respective subcommittees.
B. on the floor of the House and Senate.
C. by conference committees.
D. by the president.
E. by bureaucratic agencies.

A. by committees and their respective subcommittees.

35. (p. 370) The scheduling of bills in the Senate is left up to
A. the Senate Scheduling Committee.
B. the Senate majority leader.
C. each of the Senate committees.
D. the Senate historian.
E. the Senate parliamentarian.

B. the Senate majority leader.

36. (p. 374) News media coverage of Congress and the president is
A. about equal in amount.
B. heavily tilted toward presidential coverage.
C. largely focused on Congress and its members.
D. typically focused on areas where there is consensus between the two institutions.
E. typically focused on areas where the House as opposed to the Senate is the leading chamber.

B. heavily tilted toward presidential coverage.

37. (p. 373) There are currently ________ voting members of the U.S. House of Representatives and ________ voting members of the U.S. Senate.
A. 535; 100
B. 435; 100
C. 150; 31
D. 300; 100
E. 600; 300

B. 435; 100

38. (p. 370) What is the strategy employed in the Senate to prevent a bill from coming to a vote?
A. mark up
B. filibuster
C. cloture
D. pocket veto
E. conference committee

B. filibuster

39. (p. 372) For a bill to pass in either chamber of Congress, it must
A. receive the support of a third of its members.
B. receive the support of a simple majority of its members.
C. receive the support of two-thirds of its members.
D. be passed within two weeks of its passage by the other chamber.
E. be passed within a month of its passage by the other chamber.

B. receive the support of a simple majority of its members.

40. (p. 372) The dominant policymaking political institution during most of the nineteenth century was
A. the president and the executive branch.
B. Congress.
C. the Supreme Court.
D. the bureaucracy.
E. the mass media.

B. Congress.

41. (p. 370) Defining the conditions and scheduling a bill for floor debate in the House of Representatives is the responsibility of the
A. Ways and Means Committee.
B. Rules Committee.
C. Budget Committee.
D. Appropriations Committee.
E. Judiciary Committee.

B. Rules Committee.

42. (p. 358) Which of the following statements is true?
A. Political parties are unimportant in the organization of the U.S. Congress.
B. Party-line voting rarely occurs in Congress.
C. Party-line voting has increased in recent years.
D. Partisanship makes virtually no difference in the votes cast in Congress.
E. None of these answers is correct.

C. Party-line voting has increased in recent years.

43. (p. 368) Since the founding of the United States, the debate over the representation function of Congress has centered on whether
A. key decisions should be made by a small number of representatives in committee or by the whole membership in floor debate.
B. the primary concern of a representative should be the interests of the nation or of his or her constituency.
C. congressional or presidential authority should dominate on broad issues.
D. the House or the Senate is more responsive to the public.
E. the House or the Senate should take the lead on foreign policy issues.

B. the primary concern of a representative should be the interests of the nation or of his or her constituency.

44. (p. 379) The trading of votes between members of Congress so that each gets the legislation he or she wants is called
A. gerrymandering.
B. pandering.
C. logrolling.
D. pork-barreling.
E. cloturing.

C. logrolling.

45. (p. 370) "Mark up" of a bill means that
A. a president has crossed out sections of the bill that he or she finds personally objectionable.
B. a bill has been approved after floor debate has finished.
C. witnesses at committee hearings suggest modifications of the bill.
D. the House Speaker and Senate majority leader have written a bill in a way that they favor.
E. None of these answers is correct.

E. None of these answers is correct.

46. (p. 370) Committees kill more than ________ percent of the bills submitted in Congress.
A. 10
B. 25
C. 40
D. 66
E. 90

E. 90

47. (p. 350) Nearly ________ percent of all PAC contributions go to the incumbents.
A. 10
B. 30
C. 50
D. 70
E. 90

E. 90

48. (p. 365) A bill has been approved in the House and Senate, albeit in slightly different versions. The bill now goes to
A. the president for his or her veto or signature.
B. a conference committee.
C. the standing committees in the House and Senate where the bill originated.
D. the House Rules Committee.
E. the Senate Rules Committee.

B. a conference committee.

49. (p. 357) What percentage of state legislators are women?
A. less than 5 percent
B. more than 20 percent
C. about 50 percent
D. about 60 percent
E. more than 40 percent

B. more than 20 percent

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